Spray painted in fluorescent green on two sides of a cardboard sign, âWELL
REGULATEDâ. I took that message to the pro gun rally on March 31st at the
Capitol in St. Paul. I chose these Second Amendment words a week after the
youth-led rally of up to 20,000 (my guess was there were 10 or 15,000, but who
really knows) demanded an end to gun violence and legal action to limit the
ever-increasing number of deadly weapons in the U.S..
This Saturday the winds were moderate and the temperature a few degrees higher
than the cold march a week before. I walked up the mall past a car with an
InfoWars bumper sticker towards the Capitol steps arriving just after the rally
got underway.
I thought gun control advocates would be on the sidelines wearing orange
t-shirts and holding signs to assert rights of safety, childrenâs education and
freedom from fear. But I saw none. The steps of the Capitol were one-quarter
filled with âdonât tread on meâ flag carriers, burly men and women in
camouflage gear, a few kids, people carrying misspelled signs, American flags
on poles and blue jean patches, pre-printed pro-Trump signs and tributes to
their interpretation of the Second Amendment. Many stood with handguns
strapped to their sides. I wandered through the gathering, very generously
estimated by some media at 400 people.
A convenor of the rally, probably Chris Dorr or Ben Dorr or Aaron Dorr, got it
underway and made it plain that he, recently arrived from Iowa, or maybe Ohio,
or perhaps some other state, was very unhappy with the Republicans at the
Capitol. (City Pages, 5-10-2015, reported that the head of Gun Owners Civil
Rights Alliance here in Minnesota views the Dorrs as rip-offs: "They prey on
people's fears and paint things as pretty much going to heck in a handbasket
right away if you don't send us money.â They have a traveling show for
gunners.) GOP House Speaker Dowd, he complained, did not allow a âstand your
groundâ law that would encourage civilian use of deadly force, even when less
dangerous alternatives are evident and required by modern self-defense law.
One of the Dorrs made it clear that no legislator was welcome at their rally,
to general applause.
WELL on one side, REGULATED on the other. My sign. Yes, I know that Antonin
Scaliaâs opinion in Miller was that âwell regulatedâ was applicable to the
militia only, but I wanted a conversation not a legal debate.
A man, probably about forty years old, dressed like he was going to a movie or
back to the office for a couple of hours stopped to talk. I explained that I
wanted to talk to people at the rally about what made sense for drawing
practical lines within this abstract gun debate.
He went right to the âshall not be infringedâ language of the Amendment. I
said: âWell does that mean that any civilian should be able to keep and carry
armed grenades? An armed M-1 tank? A shoulder launched missile?â He
responded with âI guess we can debate what constitutes a firearm.â Not being a
Second Amendment geek, I did not correct him to say the words are âkeep and
bear arms.â But there is a line whose placement on the spectrum of deadliness
was at least subject to debate.
He moved onto âwhat about machine guns, I suppose you donât like machine guns,
but it is legal to have and to shoot machine guns, if you have a federal
license.â I agreed that I did not like machine guns and thought that
licensure was a very good thing if they are around. That is another line that
he agreed needs to be drawn somewhere. The âmilitiaâ from Illinois who are
charged with firebombing a mosque in Bloomington were recently indicted for
having an unlicensed machine gun, but that was after the gun rally.
He went on to ask about limits on the number of bullets in ammunition clips and
I said limiting those would also be good. I explained I particularly fear such
guns because my son, a police officer, is required to go into dangerous
situations, not retreat, situations made more dangerous because of the number
and deadliness of guns out there. He argued that restrictions on ammunition
clips would disarm police and stated that âyou never want to go into a gun
fight with fewer bullets than the other guy.â
I am not sure how that undercuts âwell-regulatedâ gun ownership policies, but I
think that in nearly 50 years in Minnesota, police have only been involved once
in what I would call a gunfight. In St. Paul in 2014 a criminal shot and
killed one officer at a traffic stop and then triggered a shoot-out with other
police several hours later. It appears that neither Officer Patrick or any
other police who were the shooting victims of other tragic crimes lacked
firepower. And the murderer of Officer Patrick might have killed more had he
had bigger guns and more ammunition.
He proceeded next to the argument that possession of guns, lots of guns, guns
with huge firepower, is the peopleâs last protection against government
tyranny. âThatâs the first thing tyrants do, they take away peopleâs guns.â
I heard revolutionary romantics make similar arguments in the 1970s. I knew
that the justifications offered by the Black Panthers, the American Indian
Movement, the Weather Underground were rooted in the same kind of thinking and
that it increased the apparent power of their movements. I also know that the
state, deep or shallow, is very ready to kill, imprison, threaten, blackmail,
buy off or otherwise neutralize such threats, whether real or imagined.
It happened when President Washington marched the Army on the Whiskey
Rebellionâs armed tax protesters in 1794. It happened in the Civil War. It
happened at Wounded Knee in the 19th and 20th centuries. It happened in Black
Panther leader Fred Hamptonâs bedroom in Chicago. It happened at MIssissippi
State and Kent State. I think that the threat of actual tyranny is much
greater now than it was in 1970 but think that armed resistance is both futile
and misguided.
I said to my interlocutor: âSurely you must know that the government has
firepower that would immediately overwhelm even a well-armed citizenry, such as
what you aim for?â He agreed, saying, âIts not for something like, say,
seizing an armory; but like if a police officer comes to your home without a
warrant and insists on coming in. Wouldnât it be good to be able to say, âI
stand on my rights and have a shotgun at hand. Leave!â?â
I did not respond with âYeah, the armory raid didnât work so well for John
Brown.â Nor with my view that in a democracy the answer to police violating
constitutional boundaries is not firearms. I did not comment that there are
already too many people, particularly black and brown-skinned people, shot by
police for no reason or for bad reasons and that we donât need to have even
more situations where officers feel forced to use their guns. Nor did I voice
my reaction that I donât want my son having to worry more than he must already
do about encountering firearm threats when trying to protect the people.
I think I just shook my head.
I think that this fellow can repeat the cant, but doesnât really believe in the
âresistance to tyrannyâ argument.
I moved on to say how glad I was that the Second Amendment has not been so
inviolate that my severely mentally ill brother, who for time obsessed about
wanting guns to protect himself from imagined drug dealers, could get his hands
on such weapons. My debater fully agreed that someone like my brother should
not have guns.
I said: âBut I thought there were no permissible limits on the peopleâs rights
under the Second Amendment? It make no exceptions for reason, age, capacity,
wisdom, judgment or sanity. So I guess we agree that lines must be drawn, we
need to have discussions and have a government that makes reasonable choices
about where those lines should be drawn.â
In that space, his zone of power and passion, he was not convinced, but we had
a civil discussion and I hope he will hang onto the idea that he, a gun guy,
actually agrees with âregulated.â What sets us apart is our view on what
constitutes âwellâ. Our conversation ended and I turned my attention back to
the speaker on the steps.
This fellow identified himself as a member of the clergy and a former handgun
permit holder. Iâll call him Reverend Ruger as I missed his name. He reported
that he has relinquished the permit, and hinted that he continues to carry
deadly weapons, in defiance of the law. He is a proud, a very very proud, gun
owner. A Second Amendment absolutist, I suppose we might call him.
He expressed his disdain for the âperverts back thereâ gesturing back at the
Capitol. âAnd they are all perverts, whether they call themselves Republicans
or Democrats.â His voice rose higher and higher through the PA, cracking with
greater emotion each time he spat out the word âpervertâ, but I could not
understand his charge of perversion. Does he know something about menâs room
rituals in the Senate Majority offices that the Red Star, I mean the Star
Tribune, has failed to uncover?
Not long ago, âReverend Rugerâ discovered that just down the road from his
favorite place for target practice is, how could you guess, a training facility
for swat teams. He has, therefore, gathered together his buddies who also love
their guns and they have all now bonded over the scent of cordite at his
shooting place, organized themselves and made a pledge of mutual self-defense.
Having thus established his readiness to confront tyranny, the speaker returned
to his religious fervor âŚ. and I lost his train of thought. He went on at some
length on several articles of faith, including the establishment of or the
existence of or the threat of the Sanhedrin.
The Sanhedrin? The name echoed from somewhere.... Did this appear in some
mystery novel I read about medieval religious artifacts and murders? Is it in
The DaVinci Code? Does it appear in The Protocols of the Elders of Zion?
(âFake newsâ of a scurrilous nature created by a Russian anti-semite at the
start of the 20th century. 800,000 copies were distributed by Henry Ford in
the 1920s.)
Wikipedia later informed me that the Sanhedrin was a 71 member âSupreme Courtâ
of the top rabbis of the Jewish people. The Sanhedrin ceased to operate
about 1700 years ago but some have tried to reestablish from time to time:
Napoleon Bonaparte, for one, and orthodox Jews in Israel more recently.
Did our speaker endorse the Sanhedrin? Aspire to adjunct membership? Did
âReverend Rugerâ advocate taking up arms against the Sanhedrin? I do not know.
It was cold even though the rhetoric was hot. I headed for home, but kept my
sign. The gun fetishists will have another rally on another, warmer day.
Perhaps Iâll have some more line drawing discussions then.